/ 旧的不来，旧的不来
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法国总统决选, 选民将在埃马纽埃尔·马克龙(Emmanuel Macron)之间做出选择, 新成立政党的领袖, 和马琳·勒庞, 极端主义民族阵线党的领导人. 弗朗索瓦•菲永, 他是主流右翼政党法国革命党人的候选人, 名列第三, followed by the left wing candidate Jean-Luc Mélenchon heading the grassroots movement France Insoumise (Untamed France), 而贝诺·
马克龙和勒庞都声称自己是政治局外人. 但, 事实上, 尽管有这些表面上的新奇, 两位候选人都没有什么新意. 法国以前也经历过这种情况，以一种明显而可怕的方式: a Le Pen—Jean-Marie, 海洋的父亲, the founder of the Front National—made the runoff elections in 2002 before getting trounced by conservative Jacques Chirac, 谁背后有个女人, left-to-mainstream-right 民主 front united in its opposition to Le Pen’s crypto-fascist party. 有, 然而, 周日，最初的震惊已经所剩无几:勒庞预计会进入第二轮, 即将离任的社会党总统弗朗索瓦·奥朗德灾难性任期的灰烬中读出了一个预兆. 她以标志性的风格这样做了, by painting over the traditional xenophobia of her party and the pro-business protectionism of her economic policies with social rhetoric and vocabulary pilfered from the traditional left wing’s playbook. 她特别唤起了政教分离或工人阶级的思想, using buzzwords irrelevant to her actual policies but that helped move her party into a rhetorical territory left virtually vacant by the collapse of the Communist Party and the Socialist Party’s drift towards the interests of big business. 她声称自己是“以人民的名义”为勒庞竞选, 法国国籍应该由血统决定, 这项政策将推翻200年来的出生公民权.
Though he was virtually unknown to the greater public when he was picked to become Hollande’s Minister of the Economy, 埃马纽埃尔·马克龙(Emmanuel Macron)的大部分职业生涯都是在权力大厅度过的. 他在任何话题上都能反复无常，这让他受到了广泛的嘲笑. 直到两个月前，他的节目的男高音一直是一个秘密, when he finally released a list of projects in line with the neoliberal policies defended by Hollande. A broad collection of weathered politicians from both sides of the aisle have voiced their support for him. 两位候选人的反建制论到此为止 诚意: a more significant and worrisome sign of a changing era may be that their successes testify to the normalization of the Front National’s extremist rhetoric.
French politics in turn have shifted to place Le Pen at their center; the French speak of a “Lepenization of the minds.“媒体对国民阵线的迷恋只是等式的一部分:在过去的30年里, the mainstream right and even the government left from Jacques Chirac and Nicolas Sarkozy to most recently Socialist prime minister Manuel Valls, 引导了国民阵线的仇外立场. 在过去的三十年里, the tendency to portray France’s significant population of North African descent as the country’s foremost problem has steadily grown, 再加上伊斯兰恐怖主义的崛起. That the deadliest attacks in France under Hollande were performed by French-born terrorists only exacerbated racial and cultural hostility already cultivated in such befuddling controversies as France’s ban on the Muslim veil. 在萨科齐, 奥朗德的前任, the government attempted to foster a nationwide conversation over the meaning of French national identity in the 21st 世纪. 结果很可怕, and many French politicians revealed an understanding of Frenchness virtually indistinguishable from that of the Front National.
Political beliefs about French identity have been symptoms of the profound impact of the Front National as well as fodder for its growth. Politicians’ positions on matters of French cultural identity have tended to fluctuate widely according to their ideological allegiances and background. 这种多样性导致了激烈而令人兴奋的辩论, 但它也支持了各方之间存在根本分歧的借口，而这些分歧往往 不存在 在经济问题上:的确如此, in this regard there has been precious little to differentiate the mainstream left from the mainstream right in their successive turns in power. 一个恰当的例子是:瓦尔斯政府设计了El Khomri法, 法国劳工法的改革只对企业有利. 该法案最忠实的支持者之一是瓦尔斯的经济部长埃马纽埃尔·马克龙(Emmanuel Macron). 得到大多数工会支持的抗议活动在全国各地爆发. 在巴黎，这些发展成 努特Debout, an occupation movement not unlike Occupy Wall Street and channeled convincingly in Mélenchon’s candidacy, 比勒庞落后2个百分点. 这些抗议活动遭到当局不成比例的武力镇压, 瓦尔斯有系统地为其日益暴力的行为辩护. 与此同时，首相诉诸于饱受诟病的第49条.宪法第3条规定，不经投票就迫使议会通过这项不受欢迎的法律. 就在法律最终通过前不久, 马克龙辞去了瓦尔斯政府的职务，宣布竞选总统.
Manuel Valls’s career mirrors that of conservative Nicolas Sarkozy in crucial regards: both made a name for themselves as Ministers of the Interior keen on using tough-on-crime language infused with the racial rhetoric typical of the Front National. 在他们之前的希拉克也采取了类似的策略, perhaps inspired by English Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher’s own successful effort at stealing the British National Front’s nationalist thunder in the late 1970s. 然而，法国的经验已经证明，模仿国民阵线的花言巧语是行不通的 仅仅是 pushed French politics to the right and jeopardized French democracy: it has normalized Le Pen’s party instead of making it irrelevant. Emmanuel Macron’s success this past weekend marks not so much a sea change as the logical latest step in the evolution of French national politics: French people rejected the traditional government parties for the Front National and Macron, a charming young cipher who struggles to distract from the fact that his politics is little more than a synthesis of the two parties he beat. 复仇的合成:马克龙新鲜感的伪装, 在整个竞选过程中受到法国媒体的抨击, 也是他与商界精英关系密切的证据吗. 一小撮百万富翁控制着法国的主要新闻媒体, 他们都表达了对自己人的支持, 一次又一次的面试. 马克龙代表了一个将企业利益置于人民利益之上的政治阶层.
The time his election buys France’s professional politicians is running out: an increasing number of militants, political figures and celebrities on both sides of the aisle have declared that they would sit out the second round and regroup when the time comes to vote to renew representatives of the Assemblée Nationale, 议会下院. #SansMoile7Mai (#CountMeOutOnMay7)在社交网络上蓬勃发展, 尤其是在失望的msamlenchon支持者中. 反过来, militants and even politicians on the mainstream right have declared their intention to vote for Le Pen, 这在五年前是无法想象的, 这证实了勒庞在选举中有很大的机会. 在英国脱欧和唐纳德·特朗普当选之后, 如果认为马克龙一定会获胜，那将是一个严重的错误.
然而，尽管前景黯淡, the crisis France is currently facing holds an opportunity to do politics differently; the demise of the Socialist Party has also opened up a path for a more people-centered left. “马克龙不是国民阵线的障碍,” declared New Anti-Capitalist Party candidate Philippe Poutou; “the only solution against this threat is to take to the streets.普图的立场是主流的极左, 但他表达了一种激进主义的动力，这种动力在总统竞选期间引起了人们的关注. 这种动态是否可以转化为流行的, 民主, 法国政治的人文主义复兴只有在5月之后才会明朗. 无论选举结果如何，这些选举只能证实当前的形势是多么可怕.
格雷姆戈里·皮埃罗在康涅狄格大学任教. 他的研究探讨了黑大西洋地区的种族和国家问题, 包括海地革命及其对全球文化的影响. 他在法国城市梅斯长大，后来移居美国.
图片来源:doubichlou14，“Feu aux bank macron le pen hors de nos vies”!图片来自Flickr, 2017年4月24日.
